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03.04.2021, admin
Rights Abuses and Forced Labor in Thailand�s Fishing Industry | HRW
Report: Fished for about five hours and only got hooked up bouncing texas rigged worms in about 15 feet of water. Caught two in total with nothing big. I spoke to another angler who said they caught some fish on a crank bait in deep water.� Report: Went to Berryessa today after having a tough past few days at the mother lode lakes. I caught about 40 fish today on rip baits, jigs, and swimbaits. All the fish were in feet of water.� Camanche report is it fishball season? Below you will there are some pictures of some spots that have shown up this year at Camanche. I�ve been fishing here since around and I�ve seen it go from a good smallmouth and largemouth lake to a great spot and largemouth lake, but this is the first year they�ve started looking like BB spot�s. Weekly fishing reports for selected Texas inland and coastal waters, with access to past reports.� The reports are compiled by an outside contractor who receives the information from bait shops, marinas and fishing guides. Regional Reports. Panhandle Plains. Prairies & Lakes. Pineywoods. Gulf Coast. South Texas Plains. See more ideas about fishing boats, boat, boat pics.� "Fishing Troller the Blue Sea" Picture by Danita Delimont posters, art prints, canvas prints, greeting cards or gallery prints. Find more Picture art prints and posters in the ARTFLAKES shop. Yacht Design Boat Design Speed Boats Power Boats Ocean Fishing Boats Sailing Dinghy Runabout Boat Wood Boat Plans Wooden Boat Building. Troller Hull Lines.

Help us continue to fight The Fishing Boat Picture Analysis 5g human rights abuses. Please give now to support our work. Despite several years of highly publicized efforts to address problems in the Thai fishing industry, the Thai government has not taken the steps necessary to end forced labor and other serious abuses on fishing boats.

This report documents forced labor and other human rights abuses in the Thai fishing sector. It identifies poor working conditions, recruitment processes, terms of employment, and industry practices that put already vulnerable migrant workers into abusive situations�and often keep them there. It assesses government efforts to address labor rights violations and other mistreatment of migrant fishers.

It also highlights improvements and shortcomings in Thai law and the operational practice of frontline agencies that allow victims of forced labor to fall through gaps in existing prevention and protection frameworks.

For example, in an official report from , the Thai government noted that inspections of , fishery workers had failed, astonishingly, to identify a single case of forced labor.

The prevalence of forced labor in the Thai fishing industry reflects a longstanding lack of respect for basic rights in the sector.

New interagency inspection frameworks have been established across the country, and teams of officials are now supposed to check fishing boats each time they depart and arrive in port. Click to expand Image. These reforms have focused primarily on establishing control over fishing operations and tackling IUU fishing. Yet they have had little effect on human rights abuses that workers face at the hands of ship owners, senior crew, brokers, and police officers.

Meanwhile, the impact of stronger regulatory controls on improving conditions of work at sea has been limited as a result of poor implementation and enforcement. In some respects, the situation has gotten worse. The pink card scheme, as well as practices where migrant workers are not informed about or provided copies of required employment contracts, has become means through which unscrupulous actors conceal coercion and deception behind a veneer of compliance.

In this way, routine rights abuses go unchecked as officials are content to rely on paper records submitted by fishing companies and the government employs labor inspection frameworks that fail to closely examine actual labor practices at sea.

In its migration policies, the Thai government has sought to balance negative public attitudes about migration and alleged national security concerns about migrants with strong economic demand for low-cost labor. The result has been contradictory and inconsistent migration policymaking. Its current orientation toward stronger controls and crackdowns on irregular migration have proven ineffective and merely pushed migrants toward more expensive and less safe border crossings, increasing profits for smugglers and traffickers.

Click to expand Image Burmese port workers sort fish in Ranong city, March 13, Since , Human Rights Watch interviewed current and former workers in the fishing industry about recruitment practices, salaries and payment systems, working hours, occupational health and safety, and a range of other issues. This group included 95 individuals whom Thai authorities or others had designated as victims of trafficking.

Human Rights Watch research identified 20 forced labor situations in 34 group and individual interviews with fishers, accounting for 90 of the fishers we interviewed who were still employed on boats at the time of the interviews. Forced labor in the Thai fishing industry has persisted amid a culture of abuse, even as the government has undertaken high-profile initiatives to clean up the sector and portray a better image internationally.

They may work alongside individuals who secured their jobs through similar channels but who are not victims of forced labor, or alongside individuals who can be considered trafficking victims as a result of the way they were recruited.

Key inspection frameworks that the Thai junta introduced in are undermined by a lack of meaningful interaction between workers and officials. Labor inspectors often operate under false assumptions that only undocumented migrants can be victims of exploitation, and rely on dubious paper records and unverified information from senior crew or employers to monitor practices and working conditions.

Inspections focus on the monitoring and control of workers, ensuring only that the fisher is matched to his pink card and his name appears on the crew manifest for the boat he is on. Senior officials from frontline agencies, meanwhile, noted to Human Rights Watch that government victim identification efforts often focus on the more overt or objective conditions of exploitation, such as forcible confinement or physical mistreatment.

In some cases, assessments rely only on superficial efforts to identify victims of abuse, such as seeing whether workers present indications of physical mistreatment. Without legal provisions criminalizing the practices that put individuals who have voluntarily begun work in the fishing sector into situations of forced labor, victims have little hope of accessing appropriate remedies or seeing perpetrators held to account. To address exploitation and abuse in the industry and ensure victims are adequately protected, Thailand should enact legislation to prohibit all forms of forced labor, giving due consideration to the various means and elements of this crime.

Labor inspectors need better tools and training to help them investigate employer practices and working conditions to spot indicators of forced labor. Adequate resources, especially trained inspectors, screening tools, and more interpreters, need to be made available to key government agencies such as the Department of Labour Protection and Welfare and the Department of Employment, which both operate under the Ministry of Labour. Legal provisions that discriminate against migrant workers by preventing them from organizing or leading unions should be urgently eliminated so that all workers can exercise their right to freedom of association.

Loopholes in labor laws and regulations should be amended and compliance with labor standards rigorously enforced. All those responsible for abuses, including vessel owners, skippers, brokers, and corrupt officials, should be held accountable by authorities. Recruitment into the fishing industry should be fair. Employers, not workers, should be responsible for paying recruitment costs. Third parties providing migrant workers to fishing boats should be regulated effectively by ensuring that brokers are licensed, operating through formal recruitment channels, and closely monitored to ensure they comply with clearly established rules preventing extortionate recruitment fees.

Workers are entitled to written copies of employment contracts in a language they understand. Employers should be required to fully explain to workers their rights and the terms and conditions of work before they sign a contract. A fisher at the prow of a boat, mooring rope in hand, as the vessel arrives in port in Pattani, August 12, Employers frequently retain, and sometimes seize, identity documents belonging to fishers.

Thai reforms have primarily focused on addressing overfishing and illegal fishing. Workers should be paid in a timely manner, no less than once per month. They should be compensated for overtime, which the government should regulate and oversee more strictly.

Migrant workers should be able to access identity documents, leave employment, and change employers freely. They should have adequate rest and work in safe and acceptable conditions, in line with applicable regulations. Vessel operators need to comply with Thai health, safety, and welfare standards. The government should also better engage with nongovernmental organizations to inform fishers of their labor rights and work to provide remedies when abuses occur.

The Labour Relations Act, B. This provision prevents migrant workers from Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and other countries from asserting their rights to organize and collectively bargain for better wages and working conditions. As Thai government reforms continue apace, international producers, buyers, and retailers of Thai foods have a prominent role to play in ensuring they do not benefit from forced labor.

They should be actively encouraging the Thai government and fishing industry to establish a rights-respecting culture that will result in the eradication of widespread forced labor in the fishing sector. This report is based on interviews and research conducted from to by a consultant and multiple Human Rights Watch staff. A total of current and former workers in the fishing industry, comprising Burmese, 70 Cambodian, and 4 Thai nationals, participated in 58 focus group and individual interviews.

The remaining men interviewed by Human Rights Watch were, with a few exceptions, working in the fishing industry when they were interviewed. Interviews with trafficking survivors and workers were supplemented by additional interviews with vessel operators, skippers, and industry leaders, as well as representatives from civil society groups, international organizations, and key Thai government agencies. Research aimed to explore how work at sea varies according to the type of fishing vessel and business model.

Interviews were conducted with crew working aboard vessels that used various types of fishing gear, including trawlers, seiners, falling and gill netters, dredgers, and crab trappers. Interviewees were between 13 and 55 years old. In addition to fishing deckhands, Human Rights Watch also interviewed senior members of fishing crews including boatswains, engineers, cooks, helmsmen, and skippers. Human Rights Watch interviewed some trafficking survivors at government shelters with the permission of the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security.

Wherever possible, we conducted interviews in secure locations arranged by local organizations. Interviews were conducted in Thai, Burmese, and Khmer, with some interviews being conducted without interpretation in a second or first language typically Thai common to both the interviewer and the interviewee.

The names of all workers and trafficking survivors used in this report are pseudonyms and, in some cases, additional identifying information has been withheld or changed to protect them from possible retaliation from employers or local government officials.

The images of workers included in the report do not represent victims of forced labor or individuals interviewed during this research. No compensation was provided to interviewees in exchange for information. To facilitate frank discussions about sensitive issues, Human Rights Watch agreed to conduct interviews with industry representatives and government officials on condition of anonymity, unless otherwise noted.

All interviews were conducted with the informed consent of the individuals involved. Subjects were informed that they could decline to answer questions or end the interview at any time. Interviews followed sets of guiding questions developed by Human Rights Watch and the consultant. Lines of inquiry were determined by the interview context and the specific experiences of the interviewee.

The challenging environments in which some interviews were conducted meant it was not possible to standardize questions in interviews with all subjects. Indicators of forced labor from among the 58 interviews were catalogued according to a set of indicators of forced labor for the Thai fishing industry developed by Human Rights Watch. Combinations of indicators among 34 interviews were examined under this framework in order to identify instances of forced labor based on the ILO methodology. The findings related to this portion of the research are not representative of employer practices, terms of employment, working conditions, or forced labor prevalence at the national or sectoral level.

The research had several limitations. Work on different types of fishing boats varies according to fishing method, productivity and yield, weather and sea conditions, season, and, in some cases, lunar phase. For this reason, it was not possible to interview fishers working aboard a representative selection of vessels at any given port during any single research trip. Further, Human Rights Watch interviewed comparatively few men 39 individuals who had worked aboard long-haul overseas fishing vessels; none of those individuals were still working in the sector at the time of interview.

Few fishers from long-haul vessels are included because many of these men are overseas for years and return infrequently to Thai ports. This factor was compounded by government reforms that have significantly reduced the number of overseas boats in operation. In addition, specific lines of inquiry regarding worker exploitation and responsibility for rights abuses in some interviews conducted in port areas, aboard vessels, and, to a lesser extent, in government shelters could not be pursued due to the confirmed or suspected presence of senior crew, including more experienced migrant workers who work as boatswains and often are close confidants of skippers, or government officials.

The presence of boatswains who, in some cases, are involved in the exploitation of other workers in some focus groups may also have affected the responses provided during those interviews. In , Saw Win, 57, migrated to Thailand to find a job, hoping to earn money to send to his family in Burma.

However, once he reached the Thai side of the border, Saw Win was put in the cargo bed of a truck, sandwiched between other undocumented migrants. It was difficult to breathe, especially when smugglers covered them with tarpaulin to hide them from police checkpoints.

The other migrants hit him on the head and told him to lie still when he fidgeted. Saw Win said he worked on a trawler with no pay for three months. A carrier boat transported him into the South China Sea where he was forced to board a purse seiner fishing illegally for mackerel in Indonesian waters.

Saw Win tearfully described the year spent aboard the ship. The Thai skipper regularly beat the crew with an iron rod and threatened them at gunpoint. Some men became malnourished and seriously ill, contracting diseases like scabies. One crew member became so sick he could no longer work. Saw Win said that he was still conscious when the skipper threw him overboard.

The man drowned.


Thus:

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